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[192.0.97.161]) by mx.google.com with ESMTPS id m1si3637737qtm.71.2019.06.08.07.34.25 for (version=TLS1_2 cipher=ECDHE-RSA-AES128-GCM-SHA256 bits=128/128); Sat, 08 Jun 2019 07:34:26 -0700 (PDT) Received-SPF: pass (google.com: domain of amr.gharbeia=gmail.com@b.wordpress.com designates 192.0.97.161 as permitted sender) client-ip=192.0.97.161; Authentication-Results: mx.google.com; dkim=pass header.i=@wordpress.com header.s=my5 header.b=W3qCrAmh; spf=pass (google.com: domain of amr.gharbeia=gmail.com@b.wordpress.com designates 192.0.97.161 as permitted sender) smtp.mailfrom="amr.gharbeia=gmail.com@b.wordpress.com"; dmarc=pass (p=QUARANTINE sp=QUARANTINE dis=NONE) header.from=wordpress.com Received: from wordpress.com (unknown [192.0.84.106]) by smtp1.dca.wordpress.com (Postfix) with ESMTP id 45Lhjs3HBfzMm9K for ; Sat, 8 Jun 2019 14:34:25 +0000 (UTC) DKIM-Signature: v=1; a=rsa-sha256; c=relaxed/simple; d=wordpress.com; s=my5; t=1560004465; bh=8egsOYpnshGhDFjynJKJfJMNwtZTs8h5ZVvrGVh+ImM=; h=Date:To:From:Subject:List-Help:List-Unsubscribe:List-Subscribe: List-Archive:From; b=W3qCrAmhXwAucwiHnB1NRwzYTK+DxNHP7SjQP+0WewlAgFRu1uUoN3oID5bHQ/PpT S3hOFdObJIFkNn+HtudBq1samDMUAxIzH9L/05N0Y1Hie4s8g4ldj5SLrPoUiAWen6 OloawQDjrl7K78vNl2Agubcp3ZwIEX7+d6Fllf4M= Date: Sat, 8 Jun 2019 14:34:23 +0000 To: amr.gharbeia@gmail.com From: =?UTF-8?B?S2hhbGVkIEZhaG15INiu2KfZhNivINmB2YfZhdmK?= Subject: =?UTF-8?B?W9mF2YLYp9mEINis2K/ZitivXSBBIGhpc3Rvcnkgb2YgdGhlIHN0YXRlIHRvbGQgdGhyb3VnaCB0aGUgc2Vuc2Vz?= Message-ID: <124377285.4320.0@wordpress.com> List-Help: List-Unsubscribe: List-Subscribe: List-Archive: Precedence: bulk X-Automattic-Destination: YW1yLmdoYXJiZWlhQGdtYWlsLmNvbQ== X-Automattic-Tracking: 0:2:y1kLboWp0v/Ek49R+ldORQ==.ZKcL2VZhPCsCwvFOjDw0ipxXiqGigzJCCcGiqs3qxnwjD9V5txEVXCfS0RJWpXvK:124377285:4320:63551 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/alternative; boundary="b1_1c3af09da371cccc1b5995ac6586dcd7" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit X-getmail-retrieved-from-mailbox: [Gmail]/All Mail X-GMAIL-LABELS: "\\Important" "\\Inbox" X-GMAIL-THRID: 1635783243244334113 X-GMAIL-MSGID: 1635783243244334113 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --b1_1c3af09da371cccc1b5995ac6586dcd7 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=UTF-8 Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable =D9=85=D9=82=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A9: A history of the state told through the sen= ses=0A=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=B1=D8=A7=D8=A8=D8=B7: https://khaledfahmy.org/2019/06= /08/a-history-of-the-state-told-through-the-senses/=0A=D9=83=D9=8F=D8=AA= =D9=90=D8=A8=D9=8E: 8 =D9=8A=D9=88=D9=86=D9=8A=D9=88=D8=8C 2019 =D8=B9= =D9=86=D8=AF 2:34 =D9=85=0A=D9=83=D8=A7=D8=AA=D8=A8 : Khaled Fahmy=0A= =D8=A7=D9=84=D9=88=D8=B3=D9=88=D9=85: Clot Bey, Emad Helal, Hussein Agrama,= Mehmed Ali, Qasr al-Aini, Rime Naguib, Rudolph Peters, Sharia, Shehab Isma= il, Talal Asad, Youssef El Chazli=0A=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=AA=D8=B5=D9=86=D9=8A= =D9=81=D8=A7=D8=AA: Media appearances=0A=0AThis conversation with Youssef E= l Chazli was published din Mada Masr ( https://madamasr.com/en/2019/06/07/f= eature/politics/a-history-of-the-state-told-through-the-senses-a-conversati= on-with-khaled-fahmy/ ) on 8 June 2019=0A=0AKhaled Fahmy, who holds the Su= ltan Qaboos bin Said chair in modern Arabic studies at the University of Ca= mbridge, has worked tirelessly to scrutinize and reevaluate dominant narrat= ives and historical assumptions about the Egyptian state and its many insti= tutions. In his first book,=C2=A0All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men, Fahmy took up= the narrative of Mohammed Ali=E2=80=99s construction of modern Egypt, in p= articular the role the construction of the army played in this trajectory. = As Amr Ezzat wrote in an article in=C2=A0al-Shorouk=C2=A0in 2013, the book = was an attempt =E2=80=9Cto read history from below: what happened to people= as the state was being established and erected?=E2=80=9D=0A=0AIn Fahmy= =E2=80=99s latest work,=C2=A0In Quest of Justice: Islamic Law and Forensic = Medicine in Modern Egypt, published by the University of California Press i= n 2018, he offers a corporeal history of modernity in Egypt. Focusing on ch= anges in medicine and law in the 19th century and their mutual impacts, Fah= my suggests an alternative narrative of the formation of the modern Egyptia= n state. In particular, Fahmy looks at the uses of=C2=A0shari=E2=80=99a= =C2=A0(Islamic law) in this historical period, prior to British colonizatio= n, and the different way it was invoked in the qadi court, which was a core= judicial institution in Egypt throughout the Ottoman era. He also looks at= what was called=C2=A0magalis al-siyasa,=C2=A0which were legal-cum-administ= rative councils established in the mid-19th century to adjudicate serious c= riminal cases as well as commercial and land disputes.=0A=0Ahttps://khaledf= ahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Cover.jpeg=0A=0AFahmy also looks at the= simultaneous evolution of the medical system and the emergence of practice= s such as autopsies and forensic chemistry, as well as their intimate ties = to the law and the process of modern state formation. He bases his narrativ= e on the immense archival material found at the Egyptian National Archives,= spotlighting among other things ordinary Egyptians=E2=80=99 responses to t= hese shifts.=0A=0AThroughout the work, Fahmy engages with many schools of t= hought, as well as many intellectual and political currents, from post-colo= nialism and classical historiography on 19th-century Egypt to Islamist narr= atives about the history of law and popular understanding of the rise of th= e the modern Egyptian state. Perhaps his central premise and starting point= is that an analysis of the transformation of the legal system that focuses= solely on intellectual and conceptual shifts is necessarily incomplete. In= stead, we must go back to the archives and empirical data to see the real c= hanges that took place in this period, where they came from, what caused th= em, how they took place, and what reactions they engendered.=0A=0AWe met wi= th Professor Khaled Fahmy in late June 2018 in his office at the University= of Cambridge to talk about his latest book and his methodology as a social= historian.=0A=0Ahttps://khaledfahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/khaled-= fahmy.jpg Professor Khaled Fahmy in his office in Cambridge=0A=0AYoussef El= Chazli: Can you tell us about your=C2=A0new book ( https://www.ucpress.edu= /book/9780520279032/in-quest-of-justice ) , which you=E2=80=99ve been worki= ng on for several years? Perhaps you can briefly sketch out its main idea?= =0A=0AKhaled Fahmy: I don=E2=80=99t think I can, because I=E2=80=99ve worke= d on it for years=E2=80=A6=0A=0AYC: What was the starting point then?=0A=0A= KF: Yes, the best way for us to talk about it is to start at the beginning.= =0A=0AIt started in the archives when I was working on my first book [All t= he Pasha=E2=80=99s Men], which was about the history of the army. I stumble= d across a set of documents related to health services in the Pasha= =E2=80=99s army. These took the form of daily logbooks, and they included a= blank form that was printed and distributed to military doctors attached t= o the field army in Syria during the Egyptian deployment there in the mid-[= 18]30s. I was reading them =E2=80=94 the form was just astonishing = =E2=80=94 and one caught my eye. It was about sexual diseases, which were r= eferred to as=C2=A0ferengi, i.e. the Frankish disease. This is how they ref= erred to syphilis at that time. The army doctor would write how many people= were diagnosed with that illness each day and, in another slot, he would i= nsert the medication. It was astonishing and I became curious. I was primar= ily interested in these medical reports as they allowed me to get closer to= the soldiers =E2=80=94 physically closer, in the literal sense, meaning I = could see how they were examined, how their bodies was examined by the pier= cing medical gaze and controlled by the tight medical system. In the end I = wrote an entire chapter about the topic.=0A=0AYC: In your first book?=0A=0A= KF: Yes, in=C2=A0All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men. When I finished my doctoral t= hesis, I kept working in the National Archives because I found the material= there fascinating. I started following up on that topic, on health and med= icine. At that time, Amira El-Azhary Sonbol published her book,=C2=A0The Cr= eation of a Medical Profession in Egypt, 1800=E2=80=931922. What I was read= ing about in the Archives was indeed the creation of the medical profession= , but there was no relationship whatsoever between that book and the archiv= al material in front of me. Sonbol=E2=80=99s book relied on the work, writi= ngs and correspondence of Clot Bey [the French doctor appointed by Mohammed= Ali to establish the army=E2=80=99s medical department, and who later foun= ded the Medical School at Abu Zaabal, which subsequently became Qasr al-Ain= i Medical School]. By contrast, what I was seeing in the Archives was the e= veryday functioning of this health department. This department had problems= , and Clot Bey wrote about some of them and so they=E2=80=99re in that book= . But for the most part, the Archives offer a wholly different picture, in = my opinion a more realistic picture, or at least more important for us. Why= ? Because in my mind it offers a more wholesome picture than that offered b= y Sonbol=E2=80=99s book.=0A=0AYC: Sonbol=E2=80=99s is top down?=0A=0AKF: No= t only that. She effectively argues that we had an outstanding health admin= istration until the British came in 1882. The British destroyed this huge a= chievement. This happened when they started charging fees for education at = the Qasr al-Aini Medical School and when they changed the language of instr= uction to English, and so on. She blames colonialism. For me, the question = is, okay, but before colonization, what were the problems?=0A=0AIn this way= I became interested in the history of medicine and public health. I stumbl= ed across incredible medical material in police records. What I found were = not isolated reports. Rather, they were reports written by medical doctors = and embedded within a larger report prepared by the police of investigation= s they had conducted in particular cases, for example a case of rape or mur= der. By reading these medical reports, effectively forensic medical reports= , I understood much about how people were interrogated and what prompted th= em to go to the police station where they=E2=80=99d be detained and questio= ned. There material was so rich and it led into many directions, opening up= lots of fascinating stories. But I was only interested in the medical aspe= ct of these cases, and I wondered how I could use this material to do a soc= ial history of medicine. I mean, we know all about Clot Bey, but I wanted t= o know what modern medicine meant to people at the time.=0A=0AI found mysel= f being carried from one thing to another. I was initially interested in me= dicine and it led me to the police, so I got into the police records and fo= und these medical reports. The thing that ultimately resulted in the book I= wrote is that I was trying to know not only who these doctors were, what k= ind of medicine they studied and how it was different or new, and what peop= le=E2=80=99s relationship to it was, but also what these police reports wer= e in the first place.=0A=0AWhat I found is that the police reports, at the = end, tell you that they were sent to something called=C2=A0Maglis Misr= =C2=A0(the=C2=A0Cairo Council). But what was this council? I started to won= der. I began to read about it and found an entire archival unit called= =C2=A0al-madhabit al-sadira, that is, minutes of legal cases. Then I came a= cross something called=C2=A0Maglis Isti=E2=80=99naf, (the Appeals Council) = and something else called=C2=A0Maglis al-Ahkam=C2=A0(the Council of Judicia= l Ordinances). Each report summarizes the facts of the case, but the summar= y is long, maybe four or five pages, in contrast to the records from the sh= ari=E2=80=99a courts, which are brief and formulaic. In fact, what I stumbl= ed across is a collection of records that can help me piece together an ent= ire legal case from beginning to end. It starts with police inquiry, then m= oves through the investigations and interrogations, and in the end you get = a whole narrative that even ends with a punchline, so to speak, with a lega= l sentence. This sentence is then sent to the Appeals Council, which looks = into the case, and then it forwards the case to the Council of Judicial Ord= inances where the sentence is either ratified or revised.=0A=0ASo there= =E2=80=99s a sequence and a hierarchical progression. And there are referen= ces to laws. They may say, =E2=80=9CBased on Article 3 of Chapter 5 of the = Law.=E2=80=9D It turns out that this law was the Humayauni Code, which was = an Ottoman criminal law that had originally been issued by the sultan in 18= 50 and two years later it was applied in Egypt after certain amendments rel= ated to who has the right to issue death sentences. These amendments were t= he result of lengthy diplomatic negotiations between Cairo and Istanbul rev= olving around questions of sovereignty. Anyway, this is the law they are ta= lking about. I started studying it and was intrigued by how the councils ap= plied it.=0A=0AIn short, what I discovered was the archives of an entire le= gal system, not only the records of a medical system. There are only two pe= ople who have worked on this legal system. The first is Emad Helal of Suez = Canal University, a very respectable professor and colleague who has been w= orking on these same cases for a long time. The second is a highly respecte= d professor of Islamic studies at the University of Amsterdam, Ruud Peters.= They have done incredible work. I see my work as building on theirs and en= gaging with it.=0A=0ABasically, what I discovered was the archives of a ver= y evolved legal system that is only little understood. It is referred to as= the=C2=A0siyasa=C2=A0system. Siyasa here does not mean politics, but it me= ans the fiqhi concept of=C2=A0al-siyasa al-shar=E2=80=99iya, meaning legisl= ation that complements the fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) and which was consi= dered part of shari=E2=80=99a.=0A=0AAnd so, I started writing several schol= arly articles to make sense of what I was finding in the archives. One was = about the police, another about autopsies, a third about the school for mid= wives, and a fourth about how people received and reacted to modern medicin= e. There was little analysis in these articles. I was simply trying to gath= er my thoughts on these particular subjects knowing, at the back of my mind= , that something linked them together. But what exactly? It still wasn= =E2=80=99t clear. Every year I=E2=80=99d go to the National Archives and fi= nd more cases. After a while, I found that the cases started to repeat them= selves. The questions had become similar, and I started to find common patt= erns. This is what we historians often refer to as the law of diminishing r= eturns. And it usually means that the time of archival research is over and= the time for serious analysis has come.=0A=0AI also understood some practi= ces, for example, that murder cases were investigated in a certain way. I s= tarted to understand the relationship between the first-instance council an= d the appeals council.=0A=0AThen something caught my attention: While an in= vestigation in one of these cases was underway, the same case also came bef= ore the shari=E2=80=99a court. So I started to wonder about the relationshi= p to the shari=E2=80=99a courts. This is a complex system, so why hasn= =E2=80=99t it been written about before? The questions I started with were = about people=E2=80=99s relationship to modern medicine. Then the subject br= ought me to questions about the relationship this legal system had with sha= ri=E2=80=99a, the relationship between law and medicine, people=E2=80=99s = =E2=80=94 meaning ordinary Egyptians=E2=80=99 =E2=80=94 engagement with the= se practices, as well as what all these new practices gave rise to. The res= ult of this whole process, I thought, was this thing we call =E2=80=9Cthe s= tate=E2=80=9D. The medical establishment, the process of census taking, the= creation of a police administration and the development of the judicial ad= ministration =E2=80=94 all of this, and much else, is what we refer to when= we use the term =E2=80=9Cthe modern state=E2=80=9D. I already knew this. I= mean, I knew there was no such thing as =E2=80=9CMohammed Ali and his stat= e-building project.=E2=80=9D Yes, Mohammed Ali had a project, but it was no= t a state-building one. The state arose by trial and error =E2=80=94 or rat= her this thing we call the state, which is not really a thing, but a set of= practices and relationships =E2=80=94 was the result of these practices th= at I was chasing in the Archives.=0A=0Ahttps://i0.wp.com/khaledfahmy.org/wp= -content/uploads/2019/06/divorce-document.jpg?fit=3D1024%2C575&ssl=3D1 A do= cument relating the case of a dispute between a woman named Tawazzur and he= r husband, al-Hajj Abdel Dayem, accusing him of =E2=80=9Cassaulting her and= beating her with a weight on her left forearm, breaking the bone, and dema= nding reparations.=E2=80=9D After hearing the case, the shar=E2=80=99i judg= e disciplined the husband =E2=80=9Cwith shar=E2=80=99i disciplinary practic= es after examining the arm of the claimant mentioned above by the sheikh Sh= ihab al-Din al-Damanhuri, sheikh of the corporation of the surgeons in Alex= andria, who informed that the claimant=E2=80=99s arm was broken=E2=80=9D, f= rom the documents of the court of Jami=E2=80=99 al-Hakim, dated 5 February = 1610, or 12 Dhu=E2=80=99l Qi=E2=80=99dah 1018.=0A=0AFirstly, I could follow= these councils and how they evolved. I found the decrees appointing admini= strators to these councils =E2=80=94 and bit by bit the picture started to = become clearer. I also have the records of police investigations, which con= tain references to people=E2=80=99s reactions. And I have many more details= about the councils: where they were located, how they were advertised thei= r presence to the public, who was appointed to serve and their salaries, an= d even how they were furnished. Secondly, I followed the physicians and the= ir duties in public clinics as well as in police stations where they worked= as forensic doctors. Thirdly, of course is the voluminous correspondence o= f Mohammed Ali and that of his descendants. I have so much correspondence t= hat is extremely precise and detailed, tens of thousands of letters and pie= ces of correspondence. Of course, after working a while, something happens = to you. It=E2=80=99s like you=E2=80=99ve lived with these people and so you= start to understand the dominant spirit. So I started to form lots of ques= tions and I started to ask myself how it all fit together.=0A=0ASo my new b= ook is about all that. Specifically it is about this dominant spirit, or th= e common denominator of all these things, which is dissection and forensic = medicine. That=E2=80=99s the common thread. Why? Because when you think abo= ut it, dissection brings together medicine, law, the body, and the people.= =0A=0AOf course, examining of the dead has been around for a long time in t= he form of external examinations. Determinations of the cause of death exis= ted from the early 1850s. No one was buried without something called a buri= al certificate (tadhkarat dafn). These were issued by the forensic doctor, = who was referred to as hakim al-siyasa. This hakim would issue a burial cer= tificate at the behest of the neighborhood sheikh. The family of the deceas= ed would go to that sheikh and tell him that so-and-so died. The sheikh inf= orms the health office, which then sends someone, maybe not the doctor hims= elf. It might send his assistant or a nurse. If the nurse suspects somethin= g or finds some problem, he sends for a doctor or a hakima, that is female = doctor if the deceased is a woman. The doctor comes and writes the report a= nd this is registered in the health office=E2=80=99s monthly logs, which ar= e the basis on which the national census is updated. Every office in every = neighborhood has monthly logs in which they state the deceased person= =E2=80=99s name, cause of death, any medication they were taking, their age= and heirs =E2=80=94 here=E2=80=99s where the shari=E2=80=99a comes in. All= of that is also recorded on the burial certificate, which is taken to the = undertaker who records it in his own registry. And then at the end of every= month, the records are cross-checked for inconsistencies. I came across a = murder case, which was discovered when they found a discrepancy between the= monthly records of the undertaker and the monthly records of the health of= fice. When the health office records were examined, they found a name that = had been =E2=80=9Csqueezed=E2=80=9D (mahshur) between two names, a clear in= dication of tampering with the registers and of adding the name of the dece= ased after that particular month=E2=80=99s records had been tallied. When t= he burial certificate was cross-checked, it stated that the man had died of= diarrhea when he had actually been murdered.=0A=0Ahttps://i1.wp.com/khaled= fahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/other-old-paper.jpg?fit=3D1024%2C498&s= sl=3D1 Two documents from the same period showing how death acquired a new = social meaning. The document on the right, dated 1850 (1266 on the Islamic = calendar), shows how families from al-Darb al-Ahmar, after the death of a w= oman named =E2=80=98Aisha Bint Musa al-Dib, were interested in identifying = her possessions in order to be able to divide the estate in a proper legal = (shar=E2=80=99i) manner. On the other hand, the document on the left, dated= 1851 (1267), highlights how death has become one of the concerns of public= health authorities, and how the doctor of tumn al-Khalifa (a Cairo neighbo= rhood) had to specify the causes of death on a daily basis, including typhu= s, diarrhea, and severe infection.=0A=0AIn cases where the external post-mo= rtem examination were not conclusive, then the body would be sent to Qasr a= l-Aini for an autopsy. The medical professors would convene something calle= d an =E2=80=9Cautopsy assembly=E2=80=9D and write a detailed report.=0A=0AY= .C.: So there is a very fine level of detail=E2=80=A6=0A=0AK.F.: Very fine.= And there is faith in this thing called medicine, that it can resolve thes= e cases. The question I then had to ask was how these reports were used leg= ally. That meant I had to know about the legal system.=0A=0AI formed anothe= r question: how is the medicine as used in shari=E2=80=99a courts different= from that used in the legal councils? In the end, it=E2=80=99s all a matte= r of what is meant by proof. In Islamic jurisprudence there is something ca= lled=C2=A0bayyina=C2=A0(shar=E2=80=99i evidence), and a medical report is n= ot considered evidence in this sense.=C2=A0Bayyina=C2=A0is either an eyewit= ness account or a confession by the defendant. In other words, it is a verb= al act, and a medical report is not a verbal act, but a written one. So the= topic started moving in this direction and came to be centered on the idea= of autopsy and forensic medicine.=0A=0AI started thinking about how to for= mulate this, all the questions related to the history of medicine, social h= istory, and the medical dimension, but also shari=E2=80=99a, statecraft, an= d the relationship of statecraft and historiography. Why hadn=E2=80=99t thi= s been written about? Why has it been obscured? This isn=E2=80=99t about on= e or two incidents, a couple of cases or a few documents. I=E2=80=99m talki= ng about millions of cases, documents and records.=0A=0AY.C.: These things = are all there in the National Archives, right? You didn=E2=80=99t find them= in other archives?=0A=0AK.F.: No, all in Egypt. How come the current Egypt= ian legal system knows nothing about this, about its own history?=0A=0AY.C.= : So I guess it is not taught in the history of law in law schools today?= =0A=0AK.F.: No. I once took a senior law professor from Alexandria Universi= ty, Burham Atallah, to the National Archives, and when he saw these records= , he told me, =E2=80=98This is astonishing!=E2=80=99 First of all, he said,= we are not in command of language the way these people were. Secondly, he = said that these records show a complex system in action. He said he needed = to study it further. This senior professor recognized that there was someth= ing astonishing about this system. In the introduction of my book, I explai= n why this 19th-century history hasn=E2=80=99t been written about. I tried = to identify exactly which books had obscured it, not on purpose, but becaus= e there had been a blind spot that made some scholars view law as administr= ation rather than law.=0A=0AI started to see that I had to tie these differ= ent threads together. Okay, how do I do that?=0A=0AFirst, I wanted to write= the story in a way that would make the body the main unit of analysis, bec= ause I=E2=80=99m talking about the human body and conflict over the body. I= have an article titled =E2=80=9CWho Owns the Body?=E2=80=9D That=E2=80= =99s the question, the crux of the matter. Does the body belong to God and = we=E2=80=99re just trustees over it? Or does it belong to the person who li= ves inside it? After death, does it belong to the family or society? And ho= w do you care for it and dignify it with a burial? Or does it belong to the= state which lays a peculiar claim over it?=0A=0AAnd so I decided I= =E2=80=99d write five chapters corresponding to the five senses, in the con= ventional order in which they appear in both the Western and Islamic medica= l textual traditions: starting with sight, then sound, smell =E2=80=94 an a= mbivalent sense, that one =E2=80=94 taste, and finally touch.=0A=0AEach sen= se has its own chapter. Each chapter not only tells part of the story, but = also narrates or presents a particular argument. The chapter about sight, f= or example, is about autopsy, which literally means to see for oneself in l= atin. The Arabic word has other connotations related to speech or explicati= on, but there are also terms in Arabic, such as=C2=A0sharh al-sadr, meaning= to rupture, that are also related to sight, if only in an indirect manner.= Anyway, the first chapter is about this procedure, how it was done, and th= e reaction to it.=0A=0Ahttps://i2.wp.com/khaledfahmy.org/wp-content/uploads= /2019/06/illustration-1-rescaled.png?fit=3D1024%2C628&ssl=3D1 Illustration = by Rime Naguib=0A=0ASound is interesting. It isn=E2=80=99t completely obvio= us, but it=E2=80=99s fundamental to the law. The conventional way of narrat= ing the development of law in Egypt is as a process of secularization: we h= ad a religious system and then we came to have a positive law system. This = is the common story for both Islamists and non-Islamists, and in my opinion= , it=E2=80=99s not accurate. Perhaps it=E2=80=99s better to characterize th= e development of the legal system as a shift from one that relied on the sp= oken word in the shari=E2=80=99a courts to one that relied on the written w= ords in the legal councils. This shift reflects a profound epistemological = difference in the understanding of the law, the concepts of evidence and pr= oof, and ultimately even more basic things: the concept of personhood and j= ustice. That=E2=80=99s the second chapter.=0A=0AThe third chapter is about = smell. This is actually less about medicine than about public health. There= are numerous records that talk about noxious odors not simply as something= distasteful, but as dangerous. The idea was that disease spread through fo= ul air, which is befouled by miasma that ultimately emanate from decomposin= g bodies that give off humors. One finds the origins of this idea in both t= he Galenic and the Avicennian lore, namely, that the human body is composed= of four bodily humors: blood, yellow bile, black bile and phlegm.=0A=0AThi= s idea had a hugely important impact on the reconstruction of Cairo in the = 19th century. The story is not, as it is popularly known in Egypt, that Khe= dive Ismail went to Paris and there fell in love with Eugenie [de Montijo, = Empress of France, and wife of Napoleon III] blah, blah, blah, and then cam= e back and decided he wanted to build a Paris along the Nile. No. Rather, h= e and Ali Mubarak [an important 19th century reformer] went to Paris after = it was redesigned by Haussmann and Mubarak describes how he had to see for = himself what the enterprising pr=C3=A9fet de la Seine had done to Paris. On= ce in Paris, he actually went down into the sewers. This is a critical visi= t in=C2=A0Al-Khitat al-Tawfiqiya=C2=A0where Mubarak describes his visit to = Paris. He had studied there, then he came back twenty years later and found= the city transformed, and the most significant aspect of this transformati= on was that when he went down to the sewers he didn=E2=80=99t detect any fo= ul smell. They would take princes and kings down to the sewers to show them= that they had tamed nature to serve them and it no longer constituted a so= urce of danger. That=E2=80=99s why he launched a campaign against ponds and= swamps. As=C2=A0Shehab Ismail ( https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/1= 0.7916/D8Z611FD ) =C2=A0[a historian who received his doctorate from Columb= ia University in New York and worked on the history of sanitation in Cairo]= showed, in the end, the Khalig was drained. This was an important artery i= n the life of Cairenes, which bisected the city from north to south. So the= Khalig was filled in because it had become a source of danger. It later be= came the path of the first tramway in Cairo in the late 19th century.=0A=0A= https://i0.wp.com/khaledfahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/laughing-skull= .jpg?fit=3D768%2C1024&ssl=3D1 Illustration by Rime Naguib=0A=0ALet me move = to =C2=A0the fifth chapter next, which is about touch. This chapter is abou= t torture. I was trying to explain, after a discussion of the legal and med= ical systems, why torture was abolished at a certain point in judicial hist= ory, specifically, in 1861. What was the role of torture in the legal syste= m? It wasn=E2=80=99t some secret practice; it was public but suddenly it wa= s abolished. Why? I examined the law, and found a decree explicitly called = the =E2=80=9CDecree of replacing flogging with incarceration.=E2=80=9D I ke= pt noting how Foucauldian this was, with the prisons and autopsy. Prisons s= upplanted torture as a means of punishment, and autopsy replaced flogging a= s a means of obtaining confession and establishing proof. There was no long= er any need for torture.=0A=0AThe fourth chapter took me two years to write= . I thought it would be about taste and forensic chemistry, related to the = murder cases I mentioned, or cases of suspicious death by poisoning or drug= ging. The source of the chapter was a series of police cases that involved = the use of datura, a drug that came from a plant of the same name. So there= were gangs that ambush people coming to Cairo and they=E2=80=99d give them= dates or bread adulterated with datura, which would drug them so they coul= d then rob them. The police would find the victim on the road still drugged= three days later, and sometimes they would find the victims already dead. = It=E2=80=99s an extremely potent drug and the victims would be incapable of= remembering what happened to them or who gave them the adulterated dates o= r bread. So the police were working to arrest this gang, but a big part of = the investigation was the discovery of datura itself.=0A=0AI found out that= there was a whole administration known as the Chemical-Pharmaceutical Lab.= This was in Qasr al-Aini and overseen by a French doctor, Gastinel. It= =E2=80=99s obvious the Chemical-Pharmaceutical Lab was renowned, as it rece= ived a mention in=C2=A0Baedeker=E2=80=99s travel guide ( https://archive.or= g/details/egypthand00karl/page/244 ) .=0A=0AThe most important thing is the= reports those doctors write, not only in criminal cases, but also on suspe= cted food samples, particularly coffee and bread, they had collected from t= he market and then sent to the police. Someone claims that certain bread or= coffee is adulterated, so the police go to investigate the coffeehouse or = the bakery and they send seized samples to the chemical lab for analysis. T= he lab writes a report saying they found chickpeas or ground hazelnut shell= s, or, worse, insects in the examined sample and would add that this is haz= ardous to the health. I found these reports and I told myself that I can wr= ite a chapter on taste using this.=0A=0AWhen I was writing the chapter, I w= rote a short introduction, just three pages, trying to explain the differen= ce between this system of market regulation using chemistry (examination of= milk, water, bread, coffee, etc.) =E2=80=94 in addition to the datura issu= e, the criminal dimension, and the importance of the chemical lab in tracki= ng these things =E2=80=94 and the previous regulatory system of=C2=A0hisba.= Why? Because I read a book by al-Shayzari, who was well known in the 12th = century. He has a very famous book on=C2=A0hisba,=C2=A0Nihayat al Rutba fi = Talab al-Hisba, one of the most important books on the topic because it= =E2=80=99s less a work of jurisprudence than a guide for the=C2=A0muhtasib,= the inspector, on how to discover the various types of deception and fraud= used with different foods. Social historians even use the book as a source= for food history because it contains recipes. It tells you how they would = sell fake figs, for example, or that when they mix goat with beef, they do = it in such-and-such way, and watch out when the fish looks this or that. In= the introduction, I was trying to say that the=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0system ulti= mately depended on the constant presence of the=C2=A0muhtasib=C2=A0and that= the overriding concern was a moral one about fraud or deception. In contra= st, the overriding concern in the 19th century was health: there was some s= ource of danger, and they didn=E2=80=99t talk much about morals.=0A=0Ahttps= ://khaledfahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/mada-batwing.jpg Illustration= by Rime Naguib=0A=0AI started reading about the history of=C2=A0hisba, the= history of the market inspector, which led me to Talal Asad [an anthropolo= gist and an important theorist of religion and secularism who had an enormo= us influence on postcolonial and Middle Eastern studies] and his students. = One of those is Hussein Agrama, who has=C2=A0a wonderful book ( https://www= .press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/Q/bo13590023.html ) =C2=A0about = the Egyptian legal system, with a chapter on=C2=A0hisba, but with the inspe= ctor as a moral rather than market inspector. In classical Islamic jurispru= dence, the=C2=A0muhtasib=C2=A0did both, that is, he inspected both the mark= et transactions, for example, weights and measures, as well as public behav= iors, for example, the mixing of the sexes in the thoroughfare. But in cont= emporary popular Egyptian imagination,=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0immediately calls to= mind the issue of freedom of expression because of the case of scholar Nas= r Abu Zeid who was declared an apostate in the early 1990s for his work on = Quranic hermeneutics. It=E2=80=99s a sprawling, complex system, and I decid= ed to grapple with it, trying to explain how the chemistry-based market reg= ulatory system =E2=80=94 with its different philosophy, epistemological his= tory, and mechanisms =E2=80=94 differs from the=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0system as e= xpounded by someone like al-Shayzari, or others before him who looked at it= from a more juristic dimension.=0A=0ABut why was I determined to include t= his? First, the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) had a diwan of=C2=A0hisba, i= n fact one of the earliest departments they established. Hussein Agrama wri= tes about=C2=A0hisba, so does Talal Asad. Wael Hallaq [professor of law and= Islamic intellectual history at Columbia University] writes about the shar= i=E2=80=99a and=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0specifically. I look at the history of= =C2=A0hisba=C2=A0in Egypt in the Mamluk and Ottoman periods, and then under= Mohammed Ali, and then comes the moment when the office of the=C2=A0muhtas= ibis abolished, just like flogging was. Because there was an alternative = =E2=80=94 there was something new to rely on to achieve the same purpose.= =0A=0ASo this is not about secularization. It=E2=80=99s closely tied to the= separation of morals from public law, but in my opinion, this chapter offe= rs a more accurate and deeper analysis than a focus on the legal elite or E= gyptian politicians=E2=80=99 betrayal of their inherited belief system, whi= ch is the conventional view. As Foucault taught us, this separation of mora= ls and law is arbitrary and violent, but how precisely did it happen? And w= hy? This is what we need to know. This chapter was one of the hardest for m= e, but the most interesting, if I can say that, or at least the most exciti= ng.=0A=0AI don=E2=80=99t have a clear conclusion for the book. You asked me= what the main idea was and I can=E2=80=99t tell you. I can tell you who I = was engaging with: I was engaging Talal Asad and his students, Egyptian Isl= amists and their view of the modernization of the Egyptian state, and tradi= tional historians, particularly historians of medicine and the Egyptian sta= te and their narrative of the emergence of these institutions and how they = were created. I was also engaging with people who work on the history of tr= anslation and their explanation of how translation arose in Egypt, as well = as postcolonial historians who don=E2=80=99t hesitate to describe the medic= al system as a colonial one. I=E2=80=99m asking what=E2=80=99s colonial abo= ut colonial medicine and refute the idea that the medicine of Clot Bey in E= gypt =E2=80=94 even though he was French =E2=80=94 was colonial.=0A=0Ahttps= ://khaledfahmy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/clot-bey.jpg Clot Bey=0A=0AY.= C.: This is an excellent response, because you=E2=80=99ve also begun to ans= wer three other questions I had. I=E2=80=99ll list them so we can also clar= ify these three points. In this book, in contrast to=C2=A0All the Pasha= =E2=80=99s Men, in which you talked more about the statist discourse about = the Egyptian state, here you=E2=80=99re also engaging with the Islamist dis= course about the law. About how, as you just said, the legal elite ostensib= ly abandoned its heritage and turned toward European positive law and so on= . So you=E2=80=99re grappling with this point and this discourse.=0A=0ATher= e=E2=80=99s another point of engagement I wanted to ask about as well: the = conversation with postcolonial historians. Was there some desire with this = book to propose a different way of talking about the legacy of the 19th cen= tury? What I mean is that postcolonial studies, which has given so much to = the humanities, has maybe also shut down some discussions and oversimplifie= d them, in its way of asking some questions and its dominance at some Ameri= can universities. Perhaps all this made you want to highlight some new poin= ts? Of course, I=E2=80=99m not saying that you=E2=80=99re defending the col= onial legacy, but that maybe we should look at this period differently.=0A= =0AWhen you were talking about the book, you used a certain word several ti= mes: astonishing. I=E2=80=99m not sure quite how to describe this, but I fe= el that there=E2=80=99s a sort of awe at these institutions, the experiment= s we had in the 19th century, when you talk about forensic medicine or the = quality of translation. Many people when they see this might say, yes, this= is very modern, this was a golden and lost age, and so I wonder if there i= s a little bit of nostalgia for the institutions formed at this moment. I t= hink you show that they are not purely colonial or imported institutions, a= nd that it=E2=80=99s more complicated than that.=0A=0AThis astonishment at = experiences that took place in a certain moment and did not happen by desig= n. Do you feel you=E2=80=99re a bit impressed by the 19th century or instit= utions at that time? I imagine you do not have this very statist, moderniza= tion outlook, that the modern state is something nice. But at times do you = think about this and say: we can look at today and say that yes, there has = been some deterioration of a heritage =E2=80=94 not necessarily a religious= or doctrinal heritage or legacy, but that the state heritage, the heritage= of institutions has declined? That=E2=80=99s a bit of a different question= .=0A=0AK.F.: These are important questions. I think the first two are relat= ed, and the response is what you said: it=E2=80=99s about empirical data. T= he third question regarding being impressed is actually related to what you= said about our distress at our present circumstances. Let me take each in = turn.=0A=0AFirst of all, I found myself wondering why postcolonial studies = and Islamists in Egypt seem to agree when it comes to dismissing history. T= hey have foregone conclusions without having done the work, but the work ha= s to be done first. Of course, one is a bit embarrassed to say this, or afr= aid one=E2=80=99 might be called an empiricist. First you must respect the = data =E2=80=94 that=E2=80=99s the first thing =E2=80=94 and then we can dis= agree about interpretations. But the thing we=E2=80=99re talking about, don= =E2=80=99t come at me with theories. Let me explain.=0A=0ARegarding the Isl= amists, I=E2=80=99m troubled by their disregard of the=C2=A0history=C2= =A0of shari=E2=80=99a. Al-Sayyid Sabiq, Tareq al-Bishri and Abd al-Qader Ou= da all wrote extremely important books about many things, partly about the = history of the law and shari=E2=80=99a. It=E2=80=99s there that they didn= =E2=80=99t do the work, even Tareq al-Bishri, whom I consider an extremely = important historian of Egypt.=0A=0AEven until the 1980s or 1990s, the Islam= ists said they had it all codified and waiting =E2=80=94 famously, that = =E2=80=9Cthe shari=E2=80=99a is in the top drawer.=E2=80=9D They said they = had codified it but that there was no political will to put these codified = legislation into action. When it came to presenting a historical argument, = they don=E2=80=99t tire of repeating that we had this shari=E2=80=99a and t= hen the West came in with different forms and replaced it with its own laws= .. This is just polemic first of all, we don=E2=80=99t know this for a fact= . Of course, al-Bishri doesn=E2=80=99t only cite this fact, he talks about = Ottoman regulations and about Qadri Pasha, but the basic idea is that the d= espotic West came and forced us to abandon our heritage, or, as they say, o= ur=C2=A0turath. Al-Sayyid Sabiq in his multi-volume work has only three pag= es about the history of jurisprudence. Why? Because he wants us to forget a= bout it and he=E2=80=99ll tell us what it is: it=E2=80=99s the jurisprudenc= e of the Sunna. Forget about all those schools of thought, the=C2=A0madhahi= b, he tells us. The Brotherhood salafi view is that there=E2=80=99s no need= to get into such debates, it divides us; instead we should strive to find = what unites us. They=E2=80=99ll tell us what we need to know about food, ma= rriage, divorce, and so on. Fine, that=E2=80=99s political, a political int= ervention for a particular purpose, but the history of jurisprudence is a l= ong one that can=E2=80=99t be abridged like that, as if Islamic law and jur= isprudence have no history.=0A=0AAbd al-Qader Ouda states this more explici= tly in his influential book where he compares Islamic criminal law to posit= ive law. He says, don=E2=80=99t tell me that Western criminal law evolved a= nd the shari=E2=80=99a is rigid. What are you talking about? he asks. The s= hari=E2=80=99a was born complete, sublime, and comprehensive. It wasn= =E2=80=99t born lacking anything so that it later evolved. No, it=E2=80= =99s this divine thing, so we can=E2=80=99t say that it was born incomplete= and later developed. Development suggests it was lacking or somehow flawed= and we rectified it. For him, it=E2=80=99s a complete, comprehensive, subl= ime system.=0A=0AY.C.: So it needs no history.=0A=0AK.F.: It doesn=E2=80= =99t need a history and it doesn=E2=80=99t have one. Of course, we historia= ns who work on the history of shari=E2=80=99a in the Ottoman period see dif= ferent historical practices evolving. So this neglect or disregard of histo= ry is also impressive, but in a negative sense. Why is my work important in= this area =E2=80=94 my work and that of Emad Helal, Ruud Peters, and other= researchers? We expose a different narrative, that it=E2=80=99s not about = the coming of the West. The question I ask is: this shari=E2=80=99a we had,= what was it? It becomes clear that someone like Tareq al-Bishri and others= who want to apply the shari=E2=80=99a now, don=E2=80=99t know how it used = to be applied.=0A=0AY.C.: They haven=E2=80=99t asked themselves the questio= n.=0A=0AK.F.: They haven=E2=80=99t asked how it was practiced. We had shari= =E2=80=99a courts, fine. How did they operate? Yes, there is revealed law (= shar=E2=80=99), but there is also man-made law (qanun), which is issued by = the sultan. It is supplementary to Islamic jurisprudence and the shari= =E2=80=99a courts. It is true that the judge in the shari=E2=80=99a courts = does not apply the qanun issued by the sultan, he applies revealed law. But= there is a parallel judicial body in Egypt in the 18th century known as al= -Diwan al-=E2=80=98Ali, the office of the governor of Egypt, the Ottoman su= ltan=E2=80=99s viceroy. According to=C2=A0James Baldwin ( https://edinburgh= universitypress.com/book-islamic-law-and-empire-in-ottoman-cairo.html ) = =C2=A0who teaches Islamic law at Royal Holloway, University of London, this= office actually adjudicates cases. The same cases heard by judges in the s= hari=E2=80=99a courts can be heard by that office. This is before the West,= before Napoleon. This isn=E2=80=99t a hybrid or imported system, or a secu= lar system. It=E2=80=99s an Islamic system =E2=80=94 not only Islamic, but = a shari=E2=80=99a-based system, because the [man-made] law is part of the e= ntirety of revealed law (shar=E2=80=99).=0A=0Ahttps://madamasr.com/wp-conte= nt/uploads/2019/06/sharia-graphic.jpg The official coat of arms of the Otto= man sultanate in the late 19th century. Note that shari=E2=80=99a, the lega= l basis for rights and justice, is represented by two books: a green book, = which is fiqh, and a red book, which is siyasa.=0A=0ASo what=E2=80=99s the = problem? The problem is that Islamists and many other people believe that s= hari=E2=80=99a =E2=80=94 is nothing but=C2=A0fiqh, that is jurisprudence. T= hey think that the intellectual product that we refer to as jurisprudence= =C2=A0is=C2=A0the shari=E2=80=99a. But the shari=E2=80=99a, in my opinion, = includes jurisprudence as well as=C2=A0qada=E2=80=99, that is, judgeship,= =C2=A0fatwa, that is, unbinding legal opinion,=C2=A0waqf, that is pious end= owments, etc. But in addition, shari=E2=80=99a also includes the laws refer= red to as statecraft or state administration (siyasa). This is why Ibn Taym= iya called it=C2=A0al-siyasa al-shar=E2=80=99iya.=C2=A0This statecraft is p= art of shari=E2=80=99a, and that was the understanding of shari=E2=80=99a a= t that time. If you want to tell me how that system disappeared, fine, let= =E2=80=99s study that. Let=E2=80=99s see the details of what happened to th= at system that no longer exists. I absolutely do not deny that there was in= tervention by the West in the form of colonialism, imperialism, and the inh= erent racism in them, and that a big part of that was a clear legal system.= But let=E2=80=99s talk more granularly, do the work that hasn=E2=80=99t be= en done, so that we can understand how this shift occurred. I think my book= is a contribution here.=0A=0AAs for the second question, about being impre= ssed by state practices. Of course, as I=E2=80=99m sitting in the National = Archives, I=E2=80=99m dealing with state employees. I have interacted with = them for over twenty years. I have interacted with them at the entrance of = the actual building of the Archives, in the Reading Room, in the cafeteria,= in the stacks, and of course, I have also interacted with many of director= s who found themselves appointed there. It is interesting to note, that wit= h important exceptions, some of these directors had no idea what the Nation= al Archives is. So I sit and observe. At the same time, I read in the same = building these impressive state records from 150 or 200 years ago, and I ca= nnot help but make comparisons, and notice differences. And the differences= are obviously not in our favor. The deterioration that Egypt witnessed is = impressive. It=E2=80=99s not that I reach this conclusion after visiting th= e British Library or the British National Archives at Kew. It is not by com= paring our current state to the mighty British Empire that I realize how ba= ckward we are. It is by comparing our state now with how we started our nah= da 200 hundred years ago that I find the deterioration impressive.=0A=0AWhe= n I told you before that after a while you hit the rule of diminishing retu= rns and start to find things repeating themselves =E2=80=94 it is then that= you detect a certain spirit, a geist, if you like. The spirit or feeling t= hat I got after reading thousands and thousands of 19th century documents w= as confidence =E2=80=94 self-confidence and confidence in this administrati= on that was being carefully built. Not necessarily because it managed to fi= nd solutions to every problem the country faced, but because it had a mecha= nism of solving things, and a certain pride and self-respect in what they w= ere doing. These administrators may be Europeans. Or Turks. Or Armenians. O= r Levantines. But I consider them all Egyptians, meaning they are all worki= ng for an administration that is Egyptian. And they have a palpable sense o= f pride and self-respect. This pride is no more. It doesn=E2=80=99t exist a= ny more. No Egyptian bureaucrat now has the same positive self-image his or= her forebears had, and it=E2=80=99s sad. So it=E2=80=99s also this sadness= that stems from realizing that we had this state and then it was lost, or = we lost it. Am I being uncritically impressed by 19th century state-buildin= g processes, by this geist? I don=E2=80=99t think so. Because the whole tim= e, I ask myself what was lacking, or what was wrong about this impressive s= ystem. The system is impressive because, if we take law as an example, the = Archives allow me to follow a case from the very initial stage to the end b= ecause of the notational remarks the scribes back then inserted literally i= n the margins of the case. I tell my students to go the National Archives a= nd think like a scribe. If you work like a historian, you won=E2=80=99t be = able to engage with the material. You should go in and let them =E2=80= =94 the people you=E2=80=99re reading =E2=80=94 take you along with them. A= nd if you let go, if you allow these 19th century scribes to guide you thro= ugh their work, you will be truly impressed.=C2=A0=0A=0ASo yes, this is an = impressive thing, but what was lacking? I ask that question all the time. T= here was something missing. I=E2=80=99ve said for a long time that I think = this state has a dazzling, though oppressive discourse. At the end of the d= ay, this state was serving itself not the public. So when I read in this st= ate=E2=80=99s own documents about people who figured out the state=E2=80= =99s discourse and understood how it functioned, and when I see them succee= ding in using state mechanisms to their own benefit =E2=80=94 not through p= etitions and supplications, but through making demands, like asking for aut= opsies as a way to establish legal proof =E2=80=94 it gives me hope that th= is leviathan has some constraints after all, and that this state can be man= ipulated to serve us and give us our rights, though ultimately it is design= ed to serve itself.=0A=0AOf course, this contrasts with a widespread view a= bout statecraft and justice, a view informed by a certain Islamic discourse= of statecraft, of subjects (not citizens) who have to be protected and tak= en care of. I believe Mohammed Ali often thought of himself in these terms,= that he was entrusted with subjects whose wellbeing =E2=80=94 their lives,= their property, their honour =E2=80=94 has to be protected. He thought of = himself along these lines, as a Muslim prince, if you may. But how exactly = can he protect his subjects and uphold justice? At the core of his concern = was how to stop the abuse of power. How to make sure that his own agents do= not oppress the subject. This is where petitions come in, because this was= a way of exposing abuse of power by the Pasha=E2=80=99s agents. In the end= , they replaced this with the councils. The purpose of these legal councils= , in my opinion, was not to bring justice, but to control the Pasha= =E2=80=99s agents, that is, the ruling class. But that=E2=80=99s another ar= gument. I=E2=80=99m just mentioning this to say that I was not uncritically= impressed by this state. I am always thinking of its internal contradictio= ns.=C2=A0=0A=0AY.C.: I think you made this argument about Mohammed Ali= =E2=80=99s early tenure. Yes, there were perhaps impressive things accompli= shed, but was it inevitable that they be done in this way? Was it possible = for it to be impressive without thousands of people dying?=0A=0AK.F.: And t= hese are first and foremost political questions, and these are the question= s I=E2=80=99m trying to get people to ask. To ask this political question, = even now. Fine, you want stability, and that=E2=80=99s important, but must = it come at the expense of killing a thousand people in Rab=E2=80=99a? Is th= is the only way? If it is, what=E2=80=99s the cost and who pays it? These a= re all political questions. For that reason they=E2=80=99re difficult and s= ensitive, and people don=E2=80=99t want to ask them, because you find yours= elf asking not only political questions, but ethical ones as well.=0A=0AY.C= .: Thank you for your time and your discussion of the book.=0A=0A=D8=A5= =D8=B6=D8=A7=D9=81=D8=A9 =D8=AA=D8=B9=D9=84=D9=8A=D9=82 =D9=84=D9=87=D8= =B0=D9=87 =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=AA=D8=AF=D9=88=D9=8A=D9=86=D8=A9: https://khaledf= ahmy.org/2019/06/08/a-history-of-the-state-told-through-the-senses/#respond= =0A=0A-- =0A=0A=0A=D8=A5=D8=AF=D8=A7=D8=B1=D8=A9 =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A7=D8= =B4=D8=AA=D8=B1=D8=A7=D9=83=D8=A7=D8=AA=0Ahttps://subscribe.wordpress.com/?= key=3D7aa346598bc64408dd44144440e5ff87&email=3Damr.gharbeia%40gmail.com=0A= =0A=D8=A5=D9=84=D8=BA=D8=A7=D8=A1 =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A7=D8=B4=D8=AA=D8=B1= =D8=A7=D9=83:=0Ahttps://subscribe.wordpress.com/?key=3D7aa346598bc64408dd44= 144440e5ff87&email=3Damr.gharbeia%40gmail.com&b=3D98y-D2MgxMLpkfDGqMEu0VnOu= CMhK-d6JdA3YVtrtNHGDQeE1nP-fzKfyCSz1v4B5Dp6NihJsq1smA18q44oLEB2QTsnaw5mgysb= X8MGWZl2AQ%3D%3D=0A --b1_1c3af09da371cccc1b5995ac6586dcd7 Content-Type: text/html; charset=UTF-8 Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable =0AWordPress.com=0A=0A=0A=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09=09=09=09Khaled Fahmy =D9=86=D8=B4= =D8=B1: "=0AThis conversation with Youssef El Chazli was published din Mada= Masr on 8 June 2019=0A=0A=0A=0AKhaled Fahmy, who holds the Sultan Qaboos b= in Said chair in modern Arabic studies at the University of Cambridge, has = worked tirelessly to scrutinize and reevaluate do"=09=09=09=0A=09=09= =09=09=09=09<= tr>=0A=09=09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
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=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=0A=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09

=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=D9=85=D9=82=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A9 =D8=AC=D8=AF=D9=8A=D8=AF= =D8=A9 =D8=B9=D9=84=D9=89 Khaled Fahmy =D8=AE=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=AF = =D9=81=D9=87=D9=85=D9=8A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09

=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=093D""
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= =0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=093D""=0A=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09

A history of the state = told through the=C2=A0senses

=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=D8=A8=D9=88=D8= =A7=D8=B3=D8=B7=D8=A9 Kh= aled Fahmy =0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09

This conver= sation with Youssef El Chazli was published din Mada Masr on 8 June 201= 9

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Khaled Fahmy, who holds the Sultan Qaboos bin Said chair in = modern Arabic studies at the University of Cambridge, has worked tirelessly= to scrutinize and reevaluate dominant narratives and historical assumption= s about the Egyptian state and its many institutions. In his first book,= =C2=A0All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men, Fahmy took up the narrative of = Mohammed Ali=E2=80=99s construction of modern Egypt, in particular the role= the construction of the army played in this trajectory. As Amr Ezzat wrote= in an article in=C2=A0al-Shorouk=C2=A0in 2013, the book was an at= tempt =E2=80=9Cto read history from below: what happened to people as the s= tate was being established and erected?=E2=80=9D

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In Fahmy= =E2=80=99s latest work,=C2=A0In Quest of Justice: Islamic Law and Foren= sic Medicine in Modern Egypt, published by the University of Californi= a Press in 2018, he offers a corporeal history of modernity in Egypt. Focus= ing on changes in medicine and law in the 19th century and their mutual imp= acts, Fahmy suggests an alternative narrative of the formation of the moder= n Egyptian state. In particular, Fahmy looks at the uses of=C2=A0shari= =E2=80=99a=C2=A0(Islamic law) in this historical period, prior to Brit= ish colonization, and the different way it was invoked in the qadi court, w= hich was a core judicial institution in Egypt throughout the Ottoman era. H= e also looks at what was called=C2=A0magalis al-siyasa,=C2= =A0which were legal-cum-administrative councils established in the mid= -19th century to adjudicate serious criminal cases as well as commercial an= d land disputes.

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Fahmy a= lso looks at the simultaneous evolution of the medical system and the emerg= ence of practices such as autopsies and forensic chemistry, as well as thei= r intimate ties to the law and the process of modern state formation. He ba= ses his narrative on the immense archival material found at the Egyptian Na= tional Archives, spotlighting among other things ordinary Egyptians= =E2=80=99 responses to these shifts.

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Throughout the work, Fahm= y engages with many schools of thought, as well as many intellectual and po= litical currents, from post-colonialism and classical historiography on 19t= h-century Egypt to Islamist narratives about the history of law and popular= understanding of the rise of the the modern Egyptian state. Perhaps his ce= ntral premise and starting point is that an analysis of the transformation = of the legal system that focuses solely on intellectual and conceptual shif= ts is necessarily incomplete. Instead, we must go back to the archives and = empirical data to see the real changes that took place in this period, wher= e they came from, what caused them, how they took place, and what reactions= they engendered.

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We met with Professor Khaled Fahmy in late J= une 2018 in his office at the University of Cambridge to talk about his lat= est book and his methodology as a social historian.

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Professor Khaled Fahmy in his office in Cambrid= ge
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Youssef El Chazli:= Can you tell us about your=C2=A0new book, whi= ch you=E2=80=99ve been working on for several years? Perhaps you can briefl= y sketch out its main idea?

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Khaled Fahmy: I d= on=E2=80=99t think I can, because I=E2=80=99ve worked on it for years= =E2=80=A6

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YC: What was the starting point the= n?

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KF: Yes, the best way for us to talk about= it is to start at the beginning.

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It started in the archives w= hen I was working on my first book [All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men], = which was about the history of the army. I stumbled across a set of documen= ts related to health services in the Pasha=E2=80=99s army. These took the f= orm of daily logbooks, and they included a blank form that was printed and = distributed to military doctors attached to the field army in Syria during = the Egyptian deployment there in the mid-[18]30s. I was reading them = =E2=80=94 the form was just astonishing =E2=80=94 and one caught my eye. It= was about sexual diseases, which were referred to as=C2=A0ferengi= , i.e. the Frankish disease. This is how they referred to syphilis at that = time. The army doctor would write how many people were diagnosed with that = illness each day and, in another slot, he would insert the medication. It w= as astonishing and I became curious. I was primarily interested in these me= dical reports as they allowed me to get closer to the soldiers =E2=80=94 ph= ysically closer, in the literal sense, meaning I could see how they were ex= amined, how their bodies was examined by the piercing medical gaze and cont= rolled by the tight medical system. In the end I wrote an entire chapter ab= out the topic.

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YC: In your first book?

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KF: Yes, in=C2=A0All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men. When I finished my doctoral thesis, I kept working in the National Arch= ives because I found the material there fascinating. I started following up= on that topic, on health and medicine. At that time, Amira El-Azhary Sonbo= l published her book,=C2=A0The Creation of a Medical Profession in Egyp= t, 1800=E2=80=931922. What I was reading about in the Archives was ind= eed the creation of the medical profession, but there was no relationship w= hatsoever between that book and the archival material in front of me. Sonbo= l=E2=80=99s book relied on the work, writings and correspondence of Clot Be= y [the French doctor appointed by Mohammed Ali to establish the army= =E2=80=99s medical department, and who later founded the Medical School at = Abu Zaabal, which subsequently became Qasr al-Aini Medical School]. By cont= rast, what I was seeing in the Archives was the everyday functioning of thi= s health department. This department had problems, and Clot Bey wrote about= some of them and so they=E2=80=99re in that book. But for the most part, t= he Archives offer a wholly different picture, in my opinion a more realisti= c picture, or at least more important for us. Why? Because in my mind it of= fers a more wholesome picture than that offered by Sonbol=E2=80=99s book.=0A

YC: Sonbol=E2=80=99s is top down?

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KF: Not only that. She effectively argues that we had an = outstanding health administration until the British came in 1882. The Briti= sh destroyed this huge achievement. This happened when they started chargin= g fees for education at the Qasr al-Aini Medical School and when they chang= ed the language of instruction to English, and so on. She blames colonialis= m. For me, the question is, okay, but before colonization, what were the pr= oblems?

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In this way I became interested in the history of medi= cine and public health. I stumbled across incredible medical material in po= lice records. What I found were not isolated reports. Rather, they were rep= orts written by medical doctors and embedded within a larger report prepare= d by the police of investigations they had conducted in particular cases, f= or example a case of rape or murder. By reading these medical reports, effe= ctively forensic medical reports, I understood much about how people were i= nterrogated and what prompted them to go to the police station where they= =E2=80=99d be detained and questioned. There material was so rich and it le= d into many directions, opening up lots of fascinating stories. But I was o= nly interested in the medical aspect of these cases, and I wondered how I c= ould use this material to do a social history of medicine. I mean, we know = all about Clot Bey, but I wanted to know what modern medicine meant to peop= le at the time.

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I found myself being carried from one thing to= another. I was initially interested in medicine and it led me to the polic= e, so I got into the police records and found these medical reports. The th= ing that ultimately resulted in the book I wrote is that I was trying to kn= ow not only who these doctors were, what kind of medicine they studied and = how it was different or new, and what people=E2=80=99s relationship to it w= as, but also what these police reports were in the first place.

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S= o there=E2=80=99s a sequence and a hierarchical progression. And there are = references to laws. They may say, =E2=80=9CBased on Article 3 of Chapter 5 = of the Law.=E2=80=9D It turns out that this law was the Humayauni Code, whi= ch was an Ottoman criminal law that had originally been issued by the sulta= n in 1850 and two years later it was applied in Egypt after certain amendme= nts related to who has the right to issue death sentences. These amendments= were the result of lengthy diplomatic negotiations between Cairo and Istan= bul revolving around questions of sovereignty. Anyway, this is the law they= are talking about. I started studying it and was intrigued by how the coun= cils applied it.

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In short, what I discovered was the archives = of an entire legal system, not only the records of a medical system. There = are only two people who have worked on this legal system. The first is Emad= Helal of Suez Canal University, a very respectable professor and colleague= who has been working on these same cases for a long time. The second is a = highly respected professor of Islamic studies at the University of Amsterda= m, Ruud Peters. They have done incredible work. I see my work as building o= n theirs and engaging with it.

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Basically, what I discovered wa= s the archives of a very evolved legal system that is only little understoo= d. It is referred to as the=C2=A0siyasa=C2=A0system. Siyasa here d= oes not mean politics, but it means the fiqhi concept of=C2=A0al-siyasa= al-shar=E2=80=99iya, meaning legislation that complements the fiqh (I= slamic jurisprudence) and which was considered part of shari=E2=80=99a.

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And so, I started writing several scholarly articles to make sens= e of what I was finding in the archives. One was about the police, another = about autopsies, a third about the school for midwives, and a fourth about = how people received and reacted to modern medicine. There was little analys= is in these articles. I was simply trying to gather my thoughts on these pa= rticular subjects knowing, at the back of my mind, that something linked th= em together. But what exactly? It still wasn=E2=80=99t clear. Every year I= =E2=80=99d go to the National Archives and find more cases. After a while, = I found that the cases started to repeat themselves. The questions had beco= me similar, and I started to find common patterns. This is what we historia= ns often refer to as the law of diminishing returns. And it usually means t= hat the time of archival research is over and the time for serious analysis= has come.

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I also understood some practices, for example, that= murder cases were investigated in a certain way. I started to understand t= he relationship between the first-instance council and the appeals council.=

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Then something caught my attention: While an investigation in= one of these cases was underway, the same case also came before the shari= =E2=80=99a court. So I started to wonder about the relationship to the shar= i=E2=80=99a courts. This is a complex system, so why hasn=E2=80=99t it been= written about before? The questions I started with were about people= =E2=80=99s relationship to modern medicine. Then the subject brought me to = questions about the relationship this legal system had with shari=E2=80= =99a, the relationship between law and medicine, people=E2=80=99s =E2=80= =94 meaning ordinary Egyptians=E2=80=99 =E2=80=94 engagement with these pra= ctices, as well as what all these new practices gave rise to. The result of= this whole process, I thought, was this thing we call =E2=80=9Cthe state= =E2=80=9D. The medical establishment, the process of census taking, the cre= ation of a police administration and the development of the judicial admini= stration =E2=80=94 all of this, and much else, is what we refer to when we = use the term =E2=80=9Cthe modern state=E2=80=9D. I already knew this. I mea= n, I knew there was no such thing as =E2=80=9CMohammed Ali and his state-bu= ilding project.=E2=80=9D Yes, Mohammed Ali had a project, but it was not a = state-building one. The state arose by trial and error =E2=80=94 or rather = this thing we call the state, which is not really a thing, but a set of pra= ctices and relationships =E2=80=94 was the result of these practices that I= was chasing in the Archives.

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A document relating the case of a dispute between a woman nam= ed Tawazzur and her husband, al-Hajj Abdel Dayem, accusing him of =E2=80= =9Cassaulting her and beating her with a weight on her left forearm, breaki= ng the bone, and demanding reparations.=E2=80=9D After hearing the case, th= e shar=E2=80=99i judge disciplined the husband =E2=80=9Cwith shar=E2=80= =99i disciplinary practices after examining the arm of the claimant mention= ed above by the sheikh Shihab al-Din al-Damanhuri, sheikh of the corporatio= n of the surgeons in Alexandria, who informed that the claimant=E2=80=99s a= rm was broken=E2=80=9D, from the documents of the court of Jami=E2=80=99 al= -Hakim, dated 5 February 1610, or 12 Dhu=E2=80=99l Qi=E2=80=99dah 1018.

Firstly, I could follow these councils and how the= y evolved. I found the decrees appointing administrators to these councils = =E2=80=94 and bit by bit the picture started to become clearer. I also have= the records of police investigations, which contain references to people= =E2=80=99s reactions. And I have many more details about the councils: wher= e they were located, how they were advertised their presence to the public,= who was appointed to serve and their salaries, and even how they were furn= ished. Secondly, I followed the physicians and their duties in public clini= cs as well as in police stations where they worked as forensic doctors. Thi= rdly, of course is the voluminous correspondence of Mohammed Ali and that o= f his descendants. I have so much correspondence that is extremely precise = and detailed, tens of thousands of letters and pieces of correspondence. Of= course, after working a while, something happens to you. It=E2=80=99s like= you=E2=80=99ve lived with these people and so you start to understand the = dominant spirit. So I started to form lots of questions and I started to as= k myself how it all fit together.

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So my new book is about all = that. Specifically it is about this dominant spirit, or the common denomina= tor of all these things, which is dissection and forensic medicine. That= =E2=80=99s the common thread. Why? Because when you think about it, dissect= ion brings together medicine, law, the body, and the people.

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O= f course, examining of the dead has been around for a long time in the form= of external examinations. Determinations of the cause of death existed fro= m the early 1850s. No one was buried without something called a burial cert= ificate (tadhkarat dafn). These were issued by the forensic doctor= , who was referred to as hakim al-siyasa. This hakim would issue a burial c= ertificate at the behest of the neighborhood sheikh. The family of the dece= ased would go to that sheikh and tell him that so-and-so died. The sheikh i= nforms the health office, which then sends someone, maybe not the doctor hi= mself. It might send his assistant or a nurse. If the nurse suspects someth= ing or finds some problem, he sends for a doctor or a hakima, that is femal= e doctor if the deceased is a woman. The doctor comes and writes the report= and this is registered in the health office=E2=80=99s monthly logs, which = are the basis on which the national census is updated. Every office in ever= y neighborhood has monthly logs in which they state the deceased person= =E2=80=99s name, cause of death, any medication they were taking, their age= and heirs =E2=80=94 here=E2=80=99s where the shari=E2=80=99a comes in. All= of that is also recorded on the burial certificate, which is taken to the = undertaker who records it in his own registry. And then at the end of every= month, the records are cross-checked for inconsistencies. I came across a = murder case, which was discovered when they found a discrepancy between the= monthly records of the undertaker and the monthly records of the health of= fice. When the health office records were examined, they found a name that = had been =E2=80=9Csqueezed=E2=80=9D (mahshur) between two names, a= clear indication of tampering with the registers and of adding the name of= the deceased after that particular month=E2=80=99s records had been tallie= d. When the burial certificate was cross-checked, it stated that the man ha= d died of diarrhea when he had actually been murdered.

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Two documents from the same period show= ing how death acquired a new social meaning. The document on the right, dat= ed 1850 (1266 on the Islamic calendar), shows how families from al-Darb al-= Ahmar, after the death of a woman named =E2=80=98Aisha Bint Musa al-Dib, we= re interested in identifying her possessions in order to be able to divide = the estate in a proper legal (shar=E2=80=99i) manner. On the other hand, th= e document on the left, dated 1851 (1267), highlights how death has become = one of the concerns of public health authorities, and how the doctor of tum= n al-Khalifa (a Cairo neighborhood) had to specify the causes of death on a= daily basis, including typhus, diarrhea, and severe infection.

In cases where the external post-mortem examination were n= ot conclusive, then the body would be sent to Qasr al-Aini for an autopsy. = The medical professors would convene something called an =E2=80=9Cautopsy a= ssembly=E2=80=9D and write a detailed report.

=0A

Y.C.: So there is a very fine level of detail=E2=80=A6

=0A

K.F.: Very fine. And there is faith in this thing called medicin= e, that it can resolve these cases. The question I then had to ask was how = these reports were used legally. That meant I had to know about the legal s= ystem.

=0A

I formed another question: how is the medicine as used = in shari=E2=80=99a courts different from that used in the legal councils? I= n the end, it=E2=80=99s all a matter of what is meant by proof. In Islamic = jurisprudence there is something called=C2=A0bayyina=C2=A0(shar= =E2=80=99i evidence), and a medical report is not considered evidence in th= is sense.=C2=A0Bayyina=C2=A0is either an eyewitness account or a c= onfession by the defendant. In other words, it is a verbal act, and a medic= al report is not a verbal act, but a written one. So the topic started movi= ng in this direction and came to be centered on the idea of autopsy and for= ensic medicine.

=0A

I started thinking about how to formulate this= , all the questions related to the history of medicine, social history, and= the medical dimension, but also shari=E2=80=99a, statecraft, and the relat= ionship of statecraft and historiography. Why hadn=E2=80=99t this been writ= ten about? Why has it been obscured? This isn=E2=80=99t about one or two in= cidents, a couple of cases or a few documents. I=E2=80=99m talking about mi= llions of cases, documents and records.

=0A

Y.C.:= These things are all there in the National Archives, right? You didn= =E2=80=99t find them in other archives?

=0A

K.F.:= No, all in Egypt. How come the current Egyptian legal system knows nothing= about this, about its own history?

=0A

Y.C.: So = I guess it is not taught in the history of law in law schools today?

=0A=

K.F.: No. I once took a senior law professor from A= lexandria University, Burham Atallah, to the National Archives, and when he= saw these records, he told me, =E2=80=98This is astonishing!=E2=80=99 Firs= t of all, he said, we are not in command of language the way these people w= ere. Secondly, he said that these records show a complex system in action. = He said he needed to study it further. This senior professor recognized tha= t there was something astonishing about this system. In the introduction of= my book, I explain why this 19th-century history hasn=E2=80=99t been writt= en about. I tried to identify exactly which books had obscured it, not on p= urpose, but because there had been a blind spot that made some scholars vie= w law as administration rather than law.

=0A

I started to see that= I had to tie these different threads together. Okay, how do I do that?

= =0A

First, I wanted to write the story in a way that would make the b= ody the main unit of analysis, because I=E2=80=99m talking about the human = body and conflict over the body. I have an article titled =E2=80=9CWho Owns= the Body?=E2=80=9D That=E2=80=99s the question, the crux of the matter. Do= es the body belong to God and we=E2=80=99re just trustees over it? Or does = it belong to the person who lives inside it? After death, does it belong to= the family or society? And how do you care for it and dignify it with a bu= rial? Or does it belong to the state which lays a peculiar claim over it?=0A

And so I decided I=E2=80=99d write five chapters corresponding = to the five senses, in the conventional order in which they appear in both = the Western and Islamic medical textual traditions: starting with sight, th= en sound, smell =E2=80=94 an ambivalent sense, that one =E2=80=94 taste, an= d finally touch.

=0A

Each sense has its own chapter. Each chapter = not only tells part of the story, but also narrates or presents a particula= r argument. The chapter about sight, for example, is about autopsy, which l= iterally means to see for oneself in latin. The Arabic word has other conno= tations related to speech or explication, but there are also terms in Arabi= c, such as=C2=A0sharh al-sadr, meaning to rupture, that are also r= elated to sight, if only in an indirect manner. Anyway, the first chapter i= s about this procedure, how it was done, and the reaction to it.

=0A3D""
Illustration by Rime Naguib

S= ound is interesting. It isn=E2=80=99t completely obvious, but it=E2=80= =99s fundamental to the law. The conventional way of narrating the developm= ent of law in Egypt is as a process of secularization: we had a religious s= ystem and then we came to have a positive law system. This is the common st= ory for both Islamists and non-Islamists, and in my opinion, it=E2=80=99s n= ot accurate. Perhaps it=E2=80=99s better to characterize the development of= the legal system as a shift from one that relied on the spoken word in the= shari=E2=80=99a courts to one that relied on the written words in the lega= l councils. This shift reflects a profound epistemological difference in th= e understanding of the law, the concepts of evidence and proof, and ultimat= ely even more basic things: the concept of personhood and justice. That= =E2=80=99s the second chapter.

=0A

The third chapter is about smel= l. This is actually less about medicine than about public health. There are= numerous records that talk about noxious odors not simply as something dis= tasteful, but as dangerous. The idea was that disease spread through foul a= ir, which is befouled by miasma that ultimately emanate from decomposing bo= dies that give off humors. One finds the origins of this idea in both the G= alenic and the Avicennian lore, namely, that the human body is composed of = four bodily humors: blood, yellow bile, black bile and phlegm.

=0A

This idea had a hugely important impact on the reconstruction of Cairo in = the 19th century. The story is not, as it is popularly known in Egypt, that= Khedive Ismail went to Paris and there fell in love with Eugenie [de Monti= jo, Empress of France, and wife of Napoleon III] blah, blah, blah, and then= came back and decided he wanted to build a Paris along the Nile. No. Rathe= r, he and Ali Mubarak [an important 19th century reformer] went to Paris af= ter it was redesigned by Haussmann and Mubarak describes how he had to see = for himself what the enterprising pr=C3=A9fet de la Seine had done to Paris= . Once in Paris, he actually went down into the sewers. This is a critical = visit in=C2=A0Al-Khitat al-Tawfiqiya=C2=A0where Mubarak describes = his visit to Paris. He had studied there, then he came back twenty years la= ter and found the city transformed, and the most significant aspect of this= transformation was that when he went down to the sewers he didn=E2=80= =99t detect any foul smell. They would take princes and kings down to the s= ewers to show them that they had tamed nature to serve them and it no longe= r constituted a source of danger. That=E2=80=99s why he launched a campaign= against ponds and swamps. As=C2=A0Shehab Ismail= =C2=A0[a historian who received his doctorate from Columbia University in N= ew York and worked on the history of sanitation in Cairo] showed, in the en= d, the Khalig was drained. This was an important artery in the life of Cair= enes, which bisected the city from north to south. So the Khalig was filled= in because it had become a source of danger. It later became the path of t= he first tramway in Cairo in the late 19th century.

=0A
3D""
Illustration by Rime Naguib
<= p style=3D'direction: rtl; font-size: 14px; line-height: 1.4em; color: #444= ; font-family: "Helvetica Neue", Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; margin: 0 0 = 1em;'>Let me move to =C2=A0the fifth chapter next, which is about touch. Th= is chapter is about torture. I was trying to explain, after a discussion of= the legal and medical systems, why torture was abolished at a certain poin= t in judicial history, specifically, in 1861. What was the role of torture = in the legal system? It wasn=E2=80=99t some secret practice; it was public = but suddenly it was abolished. Why? I examined the law, and found a decree = explicitly called the =E2=80=9CDecree of replacing flogging with incarcerat= ion.=E2=80=9D I kept noting how Foucauldian this was, with the prisons and = autopsy. Prisons supplanted torture as a means of punishment, and autopsy r= eplaced flogging as a means of obtaining confession and establishing proof.= There was no longer any need for torture.

=0A

The fourth chapter = took me two years to write. I thought it would be about taste and forensic = chemistry, related to the murder cases I mentioned, or cases of suspicious = death by poisoning or drugging. The source of the chapter was a series of p= olice cases that involved the use of datura, a drug that came from a plant = of the same name. So there were gangs that ambush people coming to Cairo an= d they=E2=80=99d give them dates or bread adulterated with datura, which wo= uld drug them so they could then rob them. The police would find the victim= on the road still drugged three days later, and sometimes they would find = the victims already dead. It=E2=80=99s an extremely potent drug and the vic= tims would be incapable of remembering what happened to them or who gave th= em the adulterated dates or bread. So the police were working to arrest thi= s gang, but a big part of the investigation was the discovery of datura its= elf.

=0A

I found out that there was a whole administration known a= s the Chemical-Pharmaceutical Lab. This was in Qasr al-Aini and overseen by= a French doctor, Gastinel. It=E2=80=99s obvious the Chemical-Pharmaceutica= l Lab was renowned, as it received a mention in=C2=A0Baedeke= r=E2=80=99s travel guide.

=0A

The most important thing is the = reports those doctors write, not only in criminal cases, but also on suspec= ted food samples, particularly coffee and bread, they had collected from th= e market and then sent to the police. Someone claims that certain bread or = coffee is adulterated, so the police go to investigate the coffeehouse or t= he bakery and they send seized samples to the chemical lab for analysis. Th= e lab writes a report saying they found chickpeas or ground hazelnut shells= , or, worse, insects in the examined sample and would add that this is haza= rdous to the health. I found these reports and I told myself that I can wri= te a chapter on taste using this.

=0A

When I was writing the chapt= er, I wrote a short introduction, just three pages, trying to explain the d= ifference between this system of market regulation using chemistry (examina= tion of milk, water, bread, coffee, etc.) =E2=80=94 in addition to the datu= ra issue, the criminal dimension, and the importance of the chemical lab in= tracking these things =E2=80=94 and the previous regulatory system of= =C2=A0hisba. Why? Because I read a book by al-Shayzari, who was we= ll known in the 12th century. He has a very famous book on=C2=A0hisba,=C2=A0Nihayat al Rutba fi Talab al-Hisba, one of the most impo= rtant books on the topic because it=E2=80=99s less a work of jurisprudence = than a guide for the=C2=A0muhtasib, the inspector, on how to disco= ver the various types of deception and fraud used with different foods. Soc= ial historians even use the book as a source for food history because it co= ntains recipes. It tells you how they would sell fake figs, for example, or= that when they mix goat with beef, they do it in such-and-such way, and wa= tch out when the fish looks this or that. In the introduction, I was trying= to say that the=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0system ultimately depended on the= constant presence of the=C2=A0muhtasib=C2=A0and that the overridi= ng concern was a moral one about fraud or deception. In contrast, the overr= iding concern in the 19th century was health: there was some source of dang= er, and they didn=E2=80=99t talk much about morals.

=0A
3D""
Illustration by Rime Nagui= b

I started reading about the history of=C2= =A0hisba, the history of the market inspector, which led me to Tal= al Asad [an anthropologist and an important theorist of religion and secula= rism who had an enormous influence on postcolonial and Middle Eastern studi= es] and his students. One of those is Hussein Agrama, who has=C2=A0a wonderful book=C2=A0about the Egyptian lega= l system, with a chapter on=C2=A0hisba, but with the inspector as = a moral rather than market inspector. In classical Islamic jurisprudence, t= he=C2=A0muhtasib=C2=A0did both, that is, he inspected both the mar= ket transactions, for example, weights and measures, as well as public beha= viors, for example, the mixing of the sexes in the thoroughfare. But in con= temporary popular Egyptian imagination,=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0immediatel= y calls to mind the issue of freedom of expression because of the case of s= cholar Nasr Abu Zeid who was declared an apostate in the early 1990s for hi= s work on Quranic hermeneutics. It=E2=80=99s a sprawling, complex system, a= nd I decided to grapple with it, trying to explain how the chemistry-based = market regulatory system =E2=80=94 with its different philosophy, epistemol= ogical history, and mechanisms =E2=80=94 differs from the=C2=A0hisba=C2=A0system as expounded by someone like al-Shayzari, or others before h= im who looked at it from a more juristic dimension.

=0A

But why wa= s I determined to include this? First, the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) h= ad a diwan of=C2=A0hisba, in fact one of the earliest departments = they established. Hussein Agrama writes about=C2=A0hisba, so does = Talal Asad. Wael Hallaq [professor of law and Islamic intellectual history = at Columbia University] writes about the shari=E2=80=99a and=C2=A0hisba= =C2=A0specifically. I look at the history of=C2=A0hisba=C2= =A0in Egypt in the Mamluk and Ottoman periods, and then under Mohammed Ali,= and then comes the moment when the office of the=C2=A0muhtasibis = abolished, just like flogging was. Because there was an alternative = =E2=80=94 there was something new to rely on to achieve the same purpose.=0A

So this is not about secularization. It=E2=80=99s closely tied = to the separation of morals from public law, but in my opinion, this chapte= r offers a more accurate and deeper analysis than a focus on the legal elit= e or Egyptian politicians=E2=80=99 betrayal of their inherited belief syste= m, which is the conventional view. As Foucault taught us, this separation o= f morals and law is arbitrary and violent, but how precisely did it happen?= And why? This is what we need to know. This chapter was one of the hardest= for me, but the most interesting, if I can say that, or at least the most = exciting.

=0A

I don=E2=80=99t have a clear conclusion for the book= . You asked me what the main idea was and I can=E2=80=99t tell you. I can t= ell you who I was engaging with: I was engaging Talal Asad and his students= , Egyptian Islamists and their view of the modernization of the Egyptian st= ate, and traditional historians, particularly historians of medicine and th= e Egyptian state and their narrative of the emergence of these institutions= and how they were created. I was also engaging with people who work on the= history of translation and their explanation of how translation arose in E= gypt, as well as postcolonial historians who don=E2=80=99t hesitate to desc= ribe the medical system as a colonial one. I=E2=80=99m asking what=E2=80= =99s colonial about colonial medicine and refute the idea that the medicine= of Clot Bey in Egypt =E2=80=94 even though he was French =E2=80=94 was col= onial.

=0A
3D""
Clot Bey

Y.C.: This is an excellent response, beca= use you=E2=80=99ve also begun to answer three other questions I had. I= =E2=80=99ll list them so we can also clarify these three points. In this bo= ok, in contrast to=C2=A0All the Pasha=E2=80=99s Men, in which you = talked more about the statist discourse about the Egyptian state, here you= =E2=80=99re also engaging with the Islamist discourse about the law. About = how, as you just said, the legal elite ostensibly abandoned its heritage an= d turned toward European positive law and so on. So you=E2=80=99re grapplin= g with this point and this discourse.

=0A

When y= ou were talking about the book, you used a certain word several times: asto= nishing. I=E2=80=99m not sure quite how to describe this, but I feel that t= here=E2=80=99s a sort of awe at these institutions, the experiments we had = in the 19th century, when you talk about forensic medicine or the quality o= f translation. Many people when they see this might say, yes, this is very = modern, this was a golden and lost age, and so I wonder if there is a littl= e bit of nostalgia for the institutions formed at this moment. I think you = show that they are not purely colonial or imported institutions, and that i= t=E2=80=99s more complicated than that.

=0A

This astonishment at e= xperiences that took place in a certain moment and did not happen by design= . Do you feel you=E2=80=99re a bit impressed by the 19th century or institu= tions at that time? I imagine you do not have this very statist, modernizat= ion outlook, that the modern state is something nice. But at times do you t= hink about this and say: we can look at today and say that yes, there has b= een some deterioration of a heritage =E2=80=94 not necessarily a religious = or doctrinal heritage or legacy, but that the state heritage, the heritage = of institutions has declined? That=E2=80=99s a bit of a different question.=

=0A

K.F.: These are important questions. I think= the first two are related, and the response is what you said: it=E2=80= =99s about empirical data. The third question regarding being impressed is = actually related to what you said about our distress at our present circums= tances. Let me take each in turn.

=0A

First of all, I found myself= wondering why postcolonial studies and Islamists in Egypt seem to agree wh= en it comes to dismissing history. They have foregone conclusions without h= aving done the work, but the work has to be done first. Of course, one is a= bit embarrassed to say this, or afraid one=E2=80=99 might be called an emp= iricist. First you must respect the data =E2=80=94 that=E2=80=99s the first= thing =E2=80=94 and then we can disagree about interpretations. But the th= ing we=E2=80=99re talking about, don=E2=80=99t come at me with theories. Le= t me explain.

=0A

Regarding the Islamists, I=E2=80=99m troubled by= their disregard of the=C2=A0history=C2=A0of shari=E2=80=99a. Al-S= ayyid Sabiq, Tareq al-Bishri and Abd al-Qader Ouda all wrote extremely impo= rtant books about many things, partly about the history of the law and shar= i=E2=80=99a. It=E2=80=99s there that they didn=E2=80=99t do the work, even = Tareq al-Bishri, whom I consider an extremely important historian of Egypt.=

=0A

Even until the 1980s or 1990s, the Islamists said they had it= all codified and waiting =E2=80=94 famously, that =E2=80=9Cthe shari= =E2=80=99a is in the top drawer.=E2=80=9D They said they had codified it bu= t that there was no political will to put these codified legislation into a= ction. When it came to presenting a historical argument, they don=E2=80= =99t tire of repeating that we had this shari=E2=80=99a and then the West c= ame in with different forms and replaced it with its own laws.. This is jus= t polemic first of all, we don=E2=80=99t know this for a fact. Of course, a= l-Bishri doesn=E2=80=99t only cite this fact, he talks about Ottoman regula= tions and about Qadri Pasha, but the basic idea is that the despotic West c= ame and forced us to abandon our heritage, or, as they say, our=C2=A0tu= rath. Al-Sayyid Sabiq in his multi-volume work has only three pages ab= out the history of jurisprudence. Why? Because he wants us to forget about = it and he=E2=80=99ll tell us what it is: it=E2=80=99s the jurisprudence of = the Sunna. Forget about all those schools of thought, the=C2=A0madhahib= , he tells us. The Brotherhood salafi view is that there=E2=80=99s no = need to get into such debates, it divides us; instead we should strive to f= ind what unites us. They=E2=80=99ll tell us what we need to know about food= , marriage, divorce, and so on. Fine, that=E2=80=99s political, a political= intervention for a particular purpose, but the history of jurisprudence is= a long one that can=E2=80=99t be abridged like that, as if Islamic law and= jurisprudence have no history.

=0A

Abd al-Qader Ouda states this = more explicitly in his influential book where he compares Islamic criminal = law to positive law. He says, don=E2=80=99t tell me that Western criminal l= aw evolved and the shari=E2=80=99a is rigid. What are you talking about? he= asks. The shari=E2=80=99a was born complete, sublime, and comprehensive. I= t wasn=E2=80=99t born lacking anything so that it later evolved. No, it= =E2=80=99s this divine thing, so we can=E2=80=99t say that it was born inco= mplete and later developed. Development suggests it was lacking or somehow = flawed and we rectified it. For him, it=E2=80=99s a complete, comprehensive= , sublime system.

=0A

Y.C.: So it needs no histor= y.

=0A

K.F.: It doesn=E2=80=99t need a history an= d it doesn=E2=80=99t have one. Of course, we historians who work on the his= tory of shari=E2=80=99a in the Ottoman period see different historical prac= tices evolving. So this neglect or disregard of history is also impressive,= but in a negative sense. Why is my work important in this area =E2=80= =94 my work and that of Emad Helal, Ruud Peters, and other researchers? We = expose a different narrative, that it=E2=80=99s not about the coming of the= West. The question I ask is: this shari=E2=80=99a we had, what was it? It = becomes clear that someone like Tareq al-Bishri and others who want to appl= y the shari=E2=80=99a now, don=E2=80=99t know how it used to be applied.=0A

Y.C.: They haven=E2=80=99t asked themselves the= question.

=0A

K.F.: They haven=E2=80=99t asked h= ow it was practiced. We had shari=E2=80=99a courts, fine. How did they oper= ate? Yes, there is revealed law (shar=E2=80=99), but there is also= man-made law (qanun), which is issued by the sultan. It is supple= mentary to Islamic jurisprudence and the shari=E2=80=99a courts. It is true= that the judge in the shari=E2=80=99a courts does not apply the qanun issu= ed by the sultan, he applies revealed law. But there is a parallel judicial= body in Egypt in the 18th century known as al-Diwan al-=E2=80=98Ali, the o= ffice of the governor of Egypt, the Ottoman sultan=E2=80=99s viceroy. Accor= ding to=C2=A0James Baldwi= n=C2=A0who teaches Islamic law at Royal Holloway, University of London,= this office actually adjudicates cases. The same cases heard by judges in = the shari=E2=80=99a courts can be heard by that office. This is before the = West, before Napoleon. This isn=E2=80=99t a hybrid or imported system, or a= secular system. It=E2=80=99s an Islamic system =E2=80=94 not only Islamic,= but a shari=E2=80=99a-based system, because the [man-made] law is part of = the entirety of revealed law (shar=E2=80=99).

=0A
3D""
The official coat of arms of the Ottoman sult= anate in the late 19th century. Note that shari=E2=80=99a, the legal basis = for rights and justice, is represented by two books: a green book, which is= fiqh, and a red book, which is siyasa.

=0A=

So what=E2=80=99s the problem? The problem is that Islamists and man= y other people believe that shari=E2=80=99a =E2=80=94 is nothing but=C2= =A0fiqh, that is jurisprudence. They think that the intellectual p= roduct that we refer to as jurisprudence=C2=A0is=C2=A0the shari= =E2=80=99a. But the shari=E2=80=99a, in my opinion, includes jurisprudence = as well as=C2=A0qada=E2=80=99, that is, judgeship,=C2=A0fatwa<= /em>, that is, unbinding legal opinion,=C2=A0waqf, that is pious e= ndowments, etc. But in addition, shari=E2=80=99a also includes the laws ref= erred to as statecraft or state administration (siyasa). This is w= hy Ibn Taymiya called it=C2=A0al-siyasa al-shar=E2=80=99iya.=C2= =A0This statecraft is part of shari=E2=80=99a, and that was the understandi= ng of shari=E2=80=99a at that time. If you want to tell me how that system = disappeared, fine, let=E2=80=99s study that. Let=E2=80=99s see the details = of what happened to that system that no longer exists. I absolutely do not = deny that there was intervention by the West in the form of colonialism, im= perialism, and the inherent racism in them, and that a big part of that was= a clear legal system. But let=E2=80=99s talk more granularly, do the work = that hasn=E2=80=99t been done, so that we can understand how this shift occ= urred. I think my book is a contribution here.

=0A

As for the seco= nd question, about being impressed by state practices. Of course, as I= =E2=80=99m sitting in the National Archives, I=E2=80=99m dealing with state= employees. I have interacted with them for over twenty years. I have inter= acted with them at the entrance of the actual building of the Archives, in = the Reading Room, in the cafeteria, in the stacks, and of course, I have al= so interacted with many of directors who found themselves appointed there. = It is interesting to note, that with important exceptions, some of these di= rectors had no idea what the National Archives is. So I sit and observe. At= the same time, I read in the same building these impressive state records = from 150 or 200 years ago, and I cannot help but make comparisons, and noti= ce differences. And the differences are obviously not in our favor. The det= erioration that Egypt witnessed is impressive. It=E2=80=99s not that I reac= h this conclusion after visiting the British Library or the British Nationa= l Archives at Kew. It is not by comparing our current state to the mighty B= ritish Empire that I realize how backward we are. It is by comparing our st= ate now with how we started our nahda 200 hundred years ago that I find the= deterioration impressive.

=0A

When I told you before that after a= while you hit the rule of diminishing returns and start to find things rep= eating themselves =E2=80=94 it is then that you detect a certain spirit, a = geist, if you like. The spirit or feeling that I got after reading thousand= s and thousands of 19th century documents was confidence =E2=80=94 self-con= fidence and confidence in this administration that was being carefully buil= t. Not necessarily because it managed to find solutions to every problem th= e country faced, but because it had a mechanism of solving things, and a ce= rtain pride and self-respect in what they were doing. These administrators = may be Europeans. Or Turks. Or Armenians. Or Levantines. But I consider the= m all Egyptians, meaning they are all working for an administration that is= Egyptian. And they have a palpable sense of pride and self-respect. This p= ride is no more. It doesn=E2=80=99t exist any more. No Egyptian bureaucrat = now has the same positive self-image his or her forebears had, and it= =E2=80=99s sad. So it=E2=80=99s also this sadness that stems from realizing= that we had this state and then it was lost, or we lost it. Am I being unc= ritically impressed by 19th century state-building processes, by this geist= ? I don=E2=80=99t think so. Because the whole time, I ask myself what was l= acking, or what was wrong about this impressive system. The system is impre= ssive because, if we take law as an example, the Archives allow me to follo= w a case from the very initial stage to the end because of the notational r= emarks the scribes back then inserted literally in the margins of the case.= I tell my students to go the National Archives and think like a scribe. If= you work like a historian, you won=E2=80=99t be able to engage with the ma= terial. You should go in and let them =E2=80=94 the people you=E2=80=99re r= eading =E2=80=94 take you along with them. And if you let go, if you allow = these 19th century scribes to guide you through their work, you will be tru= ly impressed.=C2=A0

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So yes, this is an impressive thing, but w= hat was lacking? I ask that question all the time. There was something miss= ing. I=E2=80=99ve said for a long time that I think this state has a dazzli= ng, though oppressive discourse. At the end of the day, this state was serv= ing itself not the public. So when I read in this state=E2=80=99s own docum= ents about people who figured out the state=E2=80=99s discourse and underst= ood how it functioned, and when I see them succeeding in using state mechan= isms to their own benefit =E2=80=94 not through petitions and supplications= , but through making demands, like asking for autopsies as a way to establi= sh legal proof =E2=80=94 it gives me hope that this leviathan has some cons= traints after all, and that this state can be manipulated to serve us and g= ive us our rights, though ultimately it is designed to serve itself.

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Of course, this contrasts with a widespread view about statecraft an= d justice, a view informed by a certain Islamic discourse of statecraft, of= subjects (not citizens) who have to be protected and taken care of. I beli= eve Mohammed Ali often thought of himself in these terms, that he was entru= sted with subjects whose wellbeing =E2=80=94 their lives, their property, t= heir honour =E2=80=94 has to be protected. He thought of himself along thes= e lines, as a Muslim prince, if you may. But how exactly can he protect his= subjects and uphold justice? At the core of his concern was how to stop th= e abuse of power. How to make sure that his own agents do not oppress the s= ubject. This is where petitions come in, because this was a way of exposing= abuse of power by the Pasha=E2=80=99s agents. In the end, they replaced th= is with the councils. The purpose of these legal councils, in my opinion, w= as not to bring justice, but to control the Pasha=E2=80=99s agents, that is= , the ruling class. But that=E2=80=99s another argument. I=E2=80=99m just m= entioning this to say that I was not uncritically impressed by this state. = I am always thinking of its internal contradictions.=C2=A0

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<= strong>Y.C.: I think you made this argument about Mohammed Ali= =E2=80=99s early tenure. Yes, there were perhaps impressive things accompli= shed, but was it inevitable that they be done in this way? Was it possible = for it to be impressive without thousands of people dying?

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<= strong>K.F.: And these are first and foremost political questions,= and these are the questions I=E2=80=99m trying to get people to ask. To as= k this political question, even now. Fine, you want stability, and that= =E2=80=99s important, but must it come at the expense of killing a thousand= people in Rab=E2=80=99a? Is this the only way? If it is, what=E2=80=99s th= e cost and who pays it? These are all political questions. For that reason = they=E2=80=99re difficult and sensitive, and people don=E2=80=99t want to a= sk them, because you find yourself asking not only political questions, but= ethical ones as well.

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Y.C.: Thank you for yo= ur time and your discussion of the book.

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=0A=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09Khaled Fahmy | 8 =D9=8A=D9=88=D9=86=D9=8A=D9=88=D8= =8C 2019 =D8=B9=D9=86=D8=AF 2:34 =D9=85 | =D8=A7=D9=84=D9=88=D8=B3=D9=88= =D9=85: Clot Bey, Emad Helal= , Hussein Agr= ama, Mehmed A= li, Qasr al= -Aini, Rime = Naguib, Rudolph Peters, = Sharia, = Shehab Ismail, Talal Asad, Youssef El Chazli=0A | =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=AA=D8=B5=D9=86=D9=8A= =D9=81=D8=A7=D8=AA: Media appearances=0A | =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=B1=D8=A7=D8=A8=D8= =B7: https://wp.me/p8pSdf-17G=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09
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=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =09=D8=A5=D9=84=D8=BA=D8=A7=D8=A1 =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A7=D8= =B4=D8=AA=D8=B1=D8=A7=D9=83 =D8=A8=D8=AD=D9=8A=D8=AB =D9=84=D9=85 = =D8=AA=D8=B9=D8=AF =D8=AA=D8=B3=D8=AA=D9=84=D9=85 =D9=85=D9=82=D8=A7=D9= =84=D8=A7=D8=AA =D9=85=D9=86 Khaled Fahmy =D8=AE=D8=A7=D9=84=D8=AF =D9= =81=D9=87=D9=85=D9=8A.
=0A=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09= =D9=82=D9=85 =D8=A8=D8=AA=D8=BA=D9=8A=D9=8A=D8=B1 =D8=A5=D8=B9=D8=AF=D8= =A7=D8=AF=D8=A7=D8=AA =D8=A8=D8=B1=D9=8A=D8=AF=D9=83 =D8=A7=D9=84=D8=A7= =D9=84=D9=83=D8=AA=D8=B1=D9=88=D9=86=D9=8A =D9=81=D9=8A =D8=A5=D8=AF=D8=A7=D8=B1=D8=A9 =D8=A7= =D9=84=D8=A7=D8=B4=D8=AA=D8=B1=D8=A7=D9=83=D8=A7=D8=AA.=09=09=09=09=09= =09=09=09=09=09=09=09=09

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